{"id":989,"date":"2020-11-14T21:35:04","date_gmt":"2020-11-14T21:35:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.musicianscience.org\/?p=989"},"modified":"2020-11-14T23:31:22","modified_gmt":"2020-11-14T23:31:22","slug":"blind-orchestral-auditions-increase-a-womans-chances-severalfold","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.musicianscience.org\/index.php\/blind-orchestral-auditions-increase-a-womans-chances-severalfold\/","title":{"rendered":"‘Blind’ orchestral auditions increase a woman\u2019s chances severalfold"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Title of paper under discussion<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Orchestrating Impartiality: The Impact of “Blind” Auditions on Female Musicians<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Authors<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Claudia Goldin and Cecilia Rouse<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Journal<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 5903, January 1997<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Link to paper<\/a> (free access)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Overview<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Carried out in the mid-Nineties by two economists now of international repute, this piece of research lighted on orchestral audition procedure<\/em> as a tool to investigate sex-biased hiring<\/em>, a phenomenon \u201calleged in hiring practices for many occupations\u201d, but which is \u201cextremely difficult to demonstrate\u201d. Setting out to establish \u201cwhether women were more likely to be advanced and\/or hired with the use of ‘blind’ auditions\u201d, Goldin and Rouse looked at those candidates who had undergone both \u2018blind\u2019 (in which the identity of the candidate is concealed from the panel by a screen) and \u2018not blind\u2019 orchestral auditions, and found that \u201cthe screen increases – by 50% – the probability a woman will be advanced out of certain preliminary rounds\u201d as well as enhancing \u201cby severalfold, the likelihood a female contestant will be the winner in the final round\u201d. Comparing the sex balance of various different US orchestra\u2019s lineups from 1970-1996, the data suggested that \u201ca switch to ‘blind’ auditions can explain between 30% and 55% of the increase in the proportion female among new hires and between 25% and 46% of the increase in the percentage female in the orchestras since 1970\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The research centres on the use of ‘fixed-effects’ modelling, a branch of statistics especially enjoyed by economists and nicely explained here<\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
(image from WikiHow<\/a> to Audition for an Orchestra)<\/em><\/strong><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

History of orchestral auditions in the US<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The authors, writing in 1997, reflect on the fact that \u201cuntil recently, the great symphony orchestras in the United States consisted of members who were largely hand-picked by the music director\u201d, leading to an almost exclusively male constituency. Things changed in the 1970\u2019s and 80\u2019s with jobs being more widely advertised and audition committees expanding to include orchestral members other than just the conductor and section principal. Some orchestras were more progressive in this field than others: Boston Symphony Orchestra introduced a screened preliminary round as early on as 1952, whereas at the time of this paper (1997) the Cleveland Orchestra still offered no \u2018blind\u2019 audition rounds. Such an era of change in orchestral audition procedure gave our researchers an ideal set of data with which to investigate whether a switch to \u2018blind\u2019 auditions might have revealed a tendency towards sex-bias in \u2018not blind\u2019 auditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Above: Symphony Hall, home of the Boston Symphony Orchestra<\/strong><\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Sex compositions of US orchestras<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Looking back over the years at the composition of the ‘Big Five’ US Orchestras (the Boston Symphony, Chicago Symphony, Cleveland, New York Philharmonic and Philadelphia), the authors found that none had more than 5% women until 1965, and none more than 10% by 1980. But at some point, different for every orchestra, the female percentage rose by a degree that led Goldin and Rouse to comment \u201cthe increase in women in the nation\u2019s finest orchestras has been extraordinary\u201d, and \u201ceven more remarkable\u201d because \u201cturnover in these orchestras is exceptionally low\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Graphs describing the rise in female membership of these orchestras, plus four more (LA Phil, San Francisco Symphony, Detroit Symphony and Pittsburgh Symphony) are given below:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Also described, in the following graph, is the percentage of women as new hires over these years:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The authors postulate that perhaps the orchestral marketplace suddenly became flooded with female candidates, accounting for this increase in female new hires. So they looked at the Juilliard School of Music, a typical provider of audition-ready instrumental graduates – was it suddenly \u201cproducing considerably more female students in the 1970\u2019s\u201d? This graph suggests not, except perhaps in brass instrumentalists:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

If the increase in female orchestral musicians can\u2019t be explained by an increase in supply then perhaps, suggest the authors, it\u2019s down to changes in the hiring procedure, changes that would mitigate against any inherent sexism in the music profession. Such sexism was widespread according to the authors: \u201cMany of the most renown conductors have, at one time or another, asserted that female musicians are not the equal of male musicians. Claims abound in the world of music that \u201cwomen have smaller techniques than men,\u201d \u201care more temperamental and more likely to demand special attention or treatment,\u201d and that \u201cthe more women [in an orchestra], the poorer the sound.\u201d Against this background, the authors argue, \u201ca screen that conceals the identity of the musician auditioning, could eliminate the possibility of discrimination and increase the number of women in orchestras\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What makes orchestras introduce \u2018blind\u2019 auditions?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As an adjunct to their main research aims, Goldin and Rouse were keen to investigate a couple of factors commonly thought to make introduction of screen adoption more likely: 1) a higher percentage of women already in the orchestra and 2) fewer \u2018oldtimers\u2019 (ie a lower average length of tenure of all members).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To their surprise they found to the contrary: \u201corchestra sex composition did not influence screen adoption\u201d and \u201cstability of tenure may have increased its likelihood\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Above: Claudia Goldin, paper’s joint author<\/em><\/strong><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Main study<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

For their central piece of research the authors gathered data from two sources: audition records and orchestral lists (\u2018personnel rosters\u2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The data from audition records<\/em><\/strong> (shared by eight major US symphony orchestras) was from a sample of 14,133 individuals taking part in 592 audition \u2018segments\u2019 (prelims, semi-finals and finals). Each segment had to involve at least one male and one female contestant – all-male auditions were excluded from the analysis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An cursory<\/em> look at the audition data would seem to suggest that \u201cwomen fare less<\/em> well in ‘blind’ auditions than otherwise\u201d – their success on average in advancing through an audition segment is slightly higher when that segment is \u2018not blind\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But perhaps, the authors argued, \u201cthe adoption of the ‘screen’ lowered the average quality of female auditioned in the ‘blind’ auditions.\u201d It\u2019s crucial therefore to research instead how specific<\/em> women fare in a \u2018blind\u2019 compared to a \u2018not blind\u2019 process; only then can you investigate the true effect of screening on audition results. In the words of the authors \u201cOnly if we can hold quality constant can we identify the true impact of the screen\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This approach – to compare the ‘blind’ and ‘not blind’ auditions of individuals – was straightforward enough; plenty of musicians in their data set had entered at least one audition that was \u2018blind\u2019 and one that was not. When these musicians\u2019 audition results were analysed <\/strong>a \u201cvery different story\u201d <\/strong>emerged: \u201cThe success rate for women competing in ‘blind’ auditions is markedly higher than in those that were ‘not blind’.\u201d In all, \u201cfor preliminaries […] the ‘blind’ audition increases the likelihood that a woman will be selected by about 11 percentage points. For female musicians who made it to the final round […] the screen increases the likelihood of their winning by about 30 percentage points.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Above: Cecilia Rouse, paper’s joint author<\/em><\/strong><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Analysis of the data from orchestral lists<\/strong><\/em> came to similar conclusions. Going through the changing rosters (personnel lists) of eleven orchestras year on year, the researchers tabulated the sexes of newly hired players. Knowing the year in which each of those orchestras introduced screened auditions meant they could estimate the increase in likelihood that a female musician would be hired if the audition was ‘blind’ compared to ‘non blind’, and so declare that ‘blind’ auditions were responsible for 25% to 46% of the increase in the proportion of women in orchestras seen from 1970 to 1996. And looking directly at the hiring process, the introduction of screened auditions could explain 30% to 55% of the increase in the proportion of women amongst new hires.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Goldin and Rouse muse on why there was \u201cdisparate treatment of female musicians before the screen was used\u201d, reflecting that perhaps anxieties existed over whether women would invest the same amount of time as men in their orchestral job. So they looked at sex differences in 1) leaves of absence (including maternity) and 2) length of tenure. Using the roster sample from 1960 to 1996 they found that \u201cthe average female musician took 0.067 leaves per year whereas the average male musician took 0.061, a difference that is not statistically significant, and that their length of leave was trivially different. Tenure differences were also small and some specifications show that women had greater, not fewer, years with an orchestra, given their starting year and orchestra.\u201d In all \u201cTurnover and leaves of absence do not appear to differ by sex and his should not have rationally influenced hiring decisions.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

in conclusion, the authors remind us that \u201cimpact of a ‘blind’ procedure is toward impartiality and the costs to the […] orchestra [\u2026] are relatively small. We conclude that the adoption of the ‘screen’ and ‘blind’ auditions served to help female musicians in their quest for orchestral positions.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Coda<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dvo\u0159\u00e1k’s Symphony No. 8 in G Major<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boston Symphony Orchestra, conducted by Shi-Yeon Sung<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(recorded live in concert on January 5, 2019)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Title of paper under discussion Orchestrating Impartiality: The Impact of “Blind” Auditions on Female Musicians Authors Claudia Goldin and Cecilia Rouse Journal National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 5903, January 1997 Link to paper (free access) Overview Carried out in the mid-Nineties by two economists now of international repute, this piece of research lighted …<\/p>\n

‘Blind’ orchestral auditions increase a woman\u2019s chances severalfold<\/span> Read More \u00bb<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[25,23],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-989","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-musician","category-sex-difference"],"yoast_head":"\n'Blind' orchestral auditions increase a woman\u2019s chances severalfold - ADRIAN BRADBURY cellist<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Discussion of a paper on Sex difference and Musician, hosted by cellist Adrian Bradbury\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.musicianscience.org\/index.php\/blind-orchestral-auditions-increase-a-womans-chances-severalfold\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"'Blind' orchestral auditions increase a woman\u2019s chances severalfold - 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